Crikey, no coriander! How on earth do they manage?
The story of this blockade has an old history. In December 2005, Israel first threatened to impose an “economic siege” on the Gaza Strip if the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, refused to disarm the militant groups. It tightened the import restrictions in 2007 when the military organisation Hamas, defeating the nationalist party Fatah, took complete control of Gaza. Declaring it “hostile territory”, Israeli authorities stated that their bans intended to pressure Hamas to stop its attacks. But then the rockets stopped; the bans did not. In fact, they only intensified—and worse, there was no official list. Imagine not knowing the fine-print of your deprivation. Imagine guessing the extent of your oppression.
So, in January 2010, an Israeli human rights group formed to support the Palestinians’ freedom of movement, Gisha, sued the Israeli authorities. “I don’t understand why cinnamon is permitted, but coriander is forbidden,” its director, Sari Bashi, told the BBC. “Is there something more dangerous about coriander? Is coriander more critical to Gaza’s economy than cinnamon?” After several months of silence, the Israeli government submitted a written response to the court, confirming four documents determining the blockade’s mechanics: how it processed requests for imports, how it monitored the shortages in Gaza, its approved list of imports, and a document called ‘Food Consumption in the Gaza Strip-Red Lines’. Even though these disclosures promised a lot, they delivered little. Because the Israeli Ministry of Defence said that it’d reveal the documents’ contents to the judge in a private session.
And what did they reveal? That, from 2007 to 2010, Israel used mathematical formulas to determine the minimum amount of goods permitted into Gaza. Such baffling calisthenics materialised via the estimate of the inventory of basic goods and products, their daily per capita consumption, and Gaza’s population. But in June 2010, the children of Gaza, for the first time in several years, could finally eat chocolates.
Amid intense international pressure, Israel had lifted the restriction on other items, too, such as soda, juice, jam, spices, cookies, candy, shaving cream, and potato chips. But what about the cement and steel needed to build wrecked homes? Still banned. “A modest expansion of the restrictive list of goods allowed into Gaza falls well short of what is needed,” said Maxwel Gaylard, United Nation’s veteran humanitarian official in Palestine. “We need a fundamental change and an opening of crossings for commercial goods.” Next month, in July 2010, Israel published a list of banned items—and lifted the restriction on most consumer goods—entering Gaza. It did state, though, that it would continue to ban items for “dual use” (say, a seemingly innocuous substance that could be used to make explosives).
“Between 2007 and 2017, the poverty rate in Gaza increased from 40% to 56%,” according to an August 2020 United Nations report, “and the poverty rate increased from 14% to 20%.” The annual minimum cost of removing poverty, it added, “quadrupled from $209 million to $838 million.” And had the pre-2007 trends continued—that is, before the blockade—Gaza’s poverty rate would have been “15% in 2017 instead of 56%”. But due to the continued bans killing industries and professions and livelihoods, “Gaza witnessed one of the worst economic performances globally and the world’s highest unemployment rate”.
No Country for Coriander@Outlook India.com
Now you know.