The current right wing populists share features with facism.
Pro-Palestine Protests
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Some (like Trump) are very open about it.
New York University hospital fires nurse who called Gaza war a 'genocide'. Hesen Jabr, who is Palestinian American, made the remarks while accepting an award for providing excellent care to patients suffering perinatal loss. As the artist Nan Goldin recently said in a Guardian interview: “These are chilling McCarthyist times.” Jabr said she had previously endured micro-aggressions as a Palestinian-American while working at NYU Langone. In an incident two years ago, a co-worker told her that Palestine “did not exist” when Jabr stated where she came from.
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Absolutely disgusting.
UNRWA is separate from the UN’s main refugee agency, the UNHCR, and deals only with Palestinian refugees. Although Israel does not want you to know it, the reason for there being two UN refugee agencies is because Israel and its western backers insisted on the division back in 1948.
Why? Because Israel was afraid of the Palestinians falling under the responsibility of the UNHCR’s forerunner, the International Refugee Organisation. The IRO was established in the immediate wake of the Second World War in large part to cope with the millions of European Jews fleeing Nazi atrocities. Israel did not want the two cases treated as comparable, because it was pushing hard for Jewish refugees to be settled on lands from which it had just expelled Palestinians.
Part of the IRO’s mission was to seek the repatriation of European Jews. Israel was worried that very principle might be used both to deny it the Jews it wanted to colonise Palestinian land and to force it to allow the Palestinian refugees to return to their former homes. So in a real sense, UNRWA is Israel’s creature: it was set up to keep the Palestinians a case apart, an anomaly...Israel’s efforts to get rid of UNRWA are not new.
They date back many years. For a number of reasons, the UN refugee agency is a thorn in Israel’s side – and all the more so in Gaza. Not least, it has provided a lifeline to Palestinians there, keeping them fed and cared for, and providing jobs to many thousands of local people in a place where unemployment rates are among the highest in the world. It has invested in infrastructure like hospitals and schools that make life in Gaza more bearable, when Israel’s goal has long been to make the enclave uninhabitable.
UNRWA’s well-run schools, staffed by local Palestinians, teach the children their own history, about where their grandparents once lived, and of Israel’s campaign of dispossession and ethnic cleansing against them. That runs directly counter to the infamous Zionist slogan about the Palestinians’ identity-less future: “The old will die and the young forget.”But UNRWA’s role is bigger than that. Uniquely, it is the sole agency unifying Palestinians wherever they live, even when they are separated by national borders and Israel’s fragmentation of the territory it controls.UNRWA brings Palestinians together even when their own political leaders have been manipulated into endless factionalism by Israel’s divide and rule policies: Hamas is nominally in charge in Gaza, while Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah pretends to run the West Bank.
In addition, UNRWA keeps alive the moral case for a Palestinian right of return – a principle recognised in international law but long ago abandoned by western states.Even before October 7, UNRWA had become an obstable that needed removing if Israel was ever to ethnically cleanse Gaza. That is why Israel has repeatedly lobbied to stop the biggest donors, especially the US, funding UNRWA. Back in 2018, for example, the refugee agency was plunged into an existential crisis when President Donald Trump acquiesced to Israeli pressure and cut all its funding. Even after the decision was reversed, the agency has been limping along financially.You can read more from my latest article In waging war on the UN refugee agency, the West is openly siding with Israeli genocide here:
UNRWA is separate from the UN’s main refugee agency, the UNHCR, and deals only with Palestinian refugees. Although Israel does not want you to know it, the reason for there being two UN refugee agencies is because Israel and its western backers insisted on the division back in 1948.
Why? Because Israel was afraid of the Palestinians falling under the responsibility of the UNHCR’s forerunner, the International Refugee Organisation. The IRO was established in the immediate wake of the Second World War in large part to cope with the millions of European Jews fleeing Nazi atrocities. Israel did not want the two cases treated as comparable, because it was pushing hard for Jewish refugees to be settled on lands from which it had just expelled Palestinians.
Part of the IRO’s mission was to seek the repatriation of European Jews. Israel was worried that very principle might be used both to deny it the Jews it wanted to colonise Palestinian land and to force it to allow the Palestinian refugees to return to their former homes. So in a real sense, UNRWA is Israel’s creature: it was set up to keep the Palestinians a case apart, an anomaly...Israel’s efforts to get rid of UNRWA are not new.
They date back many years. For a number of reasons, the UN refugee agency is a thorn in Israel’s side – and all the more so in Gaza. Not least, it has provided a lifeline to Palestinians there, keeping them fed and cared for, and providing jobs to many thousands of local people in a place where unemployment rates are among the highest in the world. It has invested in infrastructure like hospitals and schools that make life in Gaza more bearable, when Israel’s goal has long been to make the enclave uninhabitable.
UNRWA’s well-run schools, staffed by local Palestinians, teach the children their own history, about where their grandparents once lived, and of Israel’s campaign of dispossession and ethnic cleansing against them. That runs directly counter to the infamous Zionist slogan about the Palestinians’ identity-less future: “The old will die and the young forget.”But UNRWA’s role is bigger than that. Uniquely, it is the sole agency unifying Palestinians wherever they live, even when they are separated by national borders and Israel’s fragmentation of the territory it controls.UNRWA brings Palestinians together even when their own political leaders have been manipulated into endless factionalism by Israel’s divide and rule policies: Hamas is nominally in charge in Gaza, while Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah pretends to run the West Bank.
In addition, UNRWA keeps alive the moral case for a Palestinian right of return – a principle recognised in international law but long ago abandoned by western states.Even before October 7, UNRWA had become an obstable that needed removing if Israel was ever to ethnically cleanse Gaza. That is why Israel has repeatedly lobbied to stop the biggest donors, especially the US, funding UNRWA. Back in 2018, for example, the refugee agency was plunged into an existential crisis when President Donald Trump acquiesced to Israeli pressure and cut all its funding. Even after the decision was reversed, the agency has been limping along financially.You can read more from my latest article In waging war on the UN refugee agency, the West is openly siding with Israeli genocide here:
Actually work was done on the text books a while ago. A Canadian politician mentioned it as a fact.
So I believe, apparently all sorts of genocidal teachings in the UNRWA school text books somehow found there way in by mistake.
Easily done.
UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has paid tribute to the 188 staff who died in the line of duty last year, including 135 employees of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA). “That is by far the highest number of our personnel killed in a single conflict or natural disaster since the creation of the United Nations – a reality we can never accept,” Guterres said in remarks to the UN’s annual memorial service for fallen staff on Thursday.
Guterres said there needed to be a “full accounting” for every death.
“We owe this to their family members and friends, to their colleagues and to the world. Our UNRWA personnel lived and died as representatives of the international community in Gaza, and that community deserves an explanation.”
Guterres said there needed to be a “full accounting” for every death.
“We owe this to their family members and friends, to their colleagues and to the world. Our UNRWA personnel lived and died as representatives of the international community in Gaza, and that community deserves an explanation.”
Nearly one in four of Israel's 1.6 million schoolchildren are educated in a public school system wholly separate from the majority. The children in this parallel school system are Israeli citizens of Palestinian Arab origin. Their schools are a world apart in quality from the public schools serving Israel's majority Jewish population. Often overcrowded and understaffed, poorly built, badly maintained, or simply unavailable, schools for Palestinian Arab children offer fewer facilities and educational opportunities than are offered other Israeli children. This report is about Israel's discrimination against its Palestinian Arab children in guaranteeing the right to education.
Human Rights Watch.org
Six weeks after the attacks of 7 October, with a punishing war in full swing, Jordan’s deputy prime minister issued a warning. “Hamas is an idea,” Ayman Safadi said. “It cannot be bombed out of existence.” Hamas is today one of the most important nationalist and Islamic movements in the world. Its enemies denounce it as the equivalent of Islamic State. Its supporters call it “the resistance”.
Part history, part analysis, Hamas: The Quest for Power draws from the authors’ first-hand, on-the-ground research and reporting. Originally published in 2010 in the wake of Operation Cast Lead, a three-week war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, this edition has been revised and updated throughout.
Violent opposition to Israel is baked into the group’s identity, but is not, the authors argue, its raison d’etre. Do not mistake a milestone for a destination, they warn. To establish an Islamic Palestinian state, the ideologies of secular and leftist movements must be fought off as well.
There are also competing visions within Hamas about how to achieve its goals. Palestinian society is diverse, and Hamas is eager to present itself as a representative national movement. Its leadership, therefore, is broad and drawn from varied constituencies that range from Gaza to the West Bank, Israeli prison cells to the diaspora. Some Hamas leaders are presented by Milton-Edwards and Farrell as more “pragmatic”, others as more hardline or fundamentalist. Though it is tempting to imagine these divisions as being drawn between Hamas’s military wing and its more outfacing political bureau, the authors detail interesting tensions within the Qassam brigades soon after Hamas took control of Gaza. Mohammed Deif, the brigades’ shadowy leader and the architect of 7 October, returned to Gaza in 2007 to confront his “radical” lieutenants, who had gained power as he recovered from an Israeli attack. In private, the authors report, Deif bemoaned the Salafist radicalisation of his rivals, which he feared could be reputationally ruinous for Hamas by linking it to terror group al-Qaida.
They make a compelling argument that Hamas’s rise was aided by Israeli complacency, if not complicity. In the late 80s and early 90s, a blind eye was turned to inflows of cash from supporters abroad, and Hamas’s social projects operated undisturbed. “Israel regarded Hamas as a convenient foil to the PLO,” the authors write, hoping the newcomers could chip away at support for Arafat. Similarly, prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has reportedly boasted that allowing Qatar to fund Hamas helped undermine the Palestinian national project by stoking divisions and separating authorities in the West Bank from Gaza. For Israeli critics of Netanyahu’s government, 7 October proved this policy a disaster.
Part history, part analysis, Hamas: The Quest for Power draws from the authors’ first-hand, on-the-ground research and reporting. Originally published in 2010 in the wake of Operation Cast Lead, a three-week war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, this edition has been revised and updated throughout.
Violent opposition to Israel is baked into the group’s identity, but is not, the authors argue, its raison d’etre. Do not mistake a milestone for a destination, they warn. To establish an Islamic Palestinian state, the ideologies of secular and leftist movements must be fought off as well.
There are also competing visions within Hamas about how to achieve its goals. Palestinian society is diverse, and Hamas is eager to present itself as a representative national movement. Its leadership, therefore, is broad and drawn from varied constituencies that range from Gaza to the West Bank, Israeli prison cells to the diaspora. Some Hamas leaders are presented by Milton-Edwards and Farrell as more “pragmatic”, others as more hardline or fundamentalist. Though it is tempting to imagine these divisions as being drawn between Hamas’s military wing and its more outfacing political bureau, the authors detail interesting tensions within the Qassam brigades soon after Hamas took control of Gaza. Mohammed Deif, the brigades’ shadowy leader and the architect of 7 October, returned to Gaza in 2007 to confront his “radical” lieutenants, who had gained power as he recovered from an Israeli attack. In private, the authors report, Deif bemoaned the Salafist radicalisation of his rivals, which he feared could be reputationally ruinous for Hamas by linking it to terror group al-Qaida.
They make a compelling argument that Hamas’s rise was aided by Israeli complacency, if not complicity. In the late 80s and early 90s, a blind eye was turned to inflows of cash from supporters abroad, and Hamas’s social projects operated undisturbed. “Israel regarded Hamas as a convenient foil to the PLO,” the authors write, hoping the newcomers could chip away at support for Arafat. Similarly, prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has reportedly boasted that allowing Qatar to fund Hamas helped undermine the Palestinian national project by stoking divisions and separating authorities in the West Bank from Gaza. For Israeli critics of Netanyahu’s government, 7 October proved this policy a disaster.
I doubt anyone will read the book, so forgive the c&p, but the quotes reinforce what many of us have been saying for years. This war will not be decided on the battlefield. The slaughter of civilians has only served to hand Hamas a propaganda coup, while Israel becomes an International pariah through its violent reactions to the Arab world around them. Some of us here have spoken of the infamous 'two-state' solution but its increasingly clear this will only emphasise the deepest divisions between Arab and Jew, so the only way is for them to find a way to make their own 'land from the river to the sea' by sharing the whole country. I know, right, impossible. At the present time, Scotland have more chance of winning the Euros but in future, if this eternal cycle of violence is to end, then Palestinians living in Israel should be allowed to express their faith and culture without fear of reprisal to show it is possible.
Don't ask me how. I only work here...and it's time for my meds. Obviously.
Don't ask me how. I only work here...and it's time for my meds. Obviously.
You're quite a fan aren't you.
There are not as many fans of a nation that is inherently racist, operates an apartheid system, and commits genocide against the native inhabitants, as you were hoping.
Israeli police arrested at least eight people at mass protests outside the home of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem on Monday night, the Haaretz newspaper reports. The protests are part of a “Week of Resistance” organised by antigovernment protesters in Israel that will see nationwide demonstrations take place over the next several days.